
World War I
Chapter 9
I. World War I
How did Ethnic Tensions erupt from Multi-Ethnic Empires?

U.S. Infantry & Machine Gun Men Assigned in Trenches, Bain News Service, publisher, Library of Congress.
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The photo depicts Britain and the U.S. carrying peoples from colonial territories up towards "civlization," over the obstacles of "oppression," "barbarism," "ignorance," "superstition," "brutality," "vice," etc. Victor Gillam, political cartoon, "The White Man's Burden," 1899. Wikimedia Commons.

Woodrow Wilson, White House Historical Association.
Race, ethnicity, and nationalism played central roles in the Great War of 1914. The belief in a racial hierarchy had motivated European colonial powers to establish vast empires across the world, often exploiting indigenous peoples. These colonial possessions prompted European societies to operate according to racial prejudices and stereotypes. Further tensions and conflicts were driven by the competition for colonial territories among European powers. For example, the assassination that triggered a chain of events which led to the war was racially motivated. Gavrilo Princip, a Bosnian Serb, assassinated the Archduke Franz Ferdinance motivated by ethnic tensions as seen in his confession: “I am a Yugoslave, aiming for the unification of all Yugoslavs, and I do not care what form of state, but it must be free from Austria.” [1]
The world powers engulfed in World War I were multi-ethic empires. For example, the Austria-Hungary, Russian, and Ottoman Empires were colonial powers which held colonial lands from a variety of ethnicities. Within these empires, various ethnic groups with distinct histories, identities, and aspirations, clashed with others. Such tensions and conflicts added to the instability of the empires and contributed to the outbreak of war.
Additionally, nationalism played an impact factor leading up to the war. European nations were driven by a strong sense of national pride which motivated their imperial ambitions. The most industrialized nations including Britain and the U.S. believed their own nations had advanced far on the scale of civilization, that the “white man’s burden” obligated these nations to spread civilization elsewhere. Nationalism also contributed to the militarization of these nations as the dash to secure colonial possessions and global markets often created an atmosphere of tension and conflict.
The U.S. proclaimed neutrality during the earliest stages of war for several reasons. Public anti-war sentiment was rooted in memories and the aftermath of the Civil war. Further, the U.S. had economic interests with both the Allied powers such as Britain and France as well as Central Powers such as Germany and Austria-Hungary. Maintaining neutrality had allowed the U.S. to continue trading with all parties involved. Further, since the U.S. was home to millions of European immigrants, Wilson recognized a need to navigate a delicate balance for the sake of maintaining domestic unity. Lastly, the U.S. was militarily unprepared for a large-scale conflict.
Wilson’s War declaration and congressional support were in response to a number of events. On January 16th, 1917, German Foreign Minister Arthur Zimmermann sent a coded message to Ambassador Heinrich von Eckhardt in Mexico offering the proposal for Germany and Mexico to join forces in the event of U.S. entry into the War. In return, Mexico would acquire areas lost to the U.S., principally Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona. British intelligence intercepted and sent the decoded message to the U.S. Embassy in London on February 28th of that year. Meanwhile, Germany resumed unrestricted submarine warfare after February 1, 1917, despite the Sussex pledge, a promise to restrict the use of the U-boat. Together, the events prompted the U.S. to abandon its policy of neutrality [2]
For President Wilson, the entry into the war was to make the world “safe for democracy.” He highlighted that the goal of the U.S. was “the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples.” Together with the Allied forces, the US aimed for the “rights of the nation great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience.” [3]
II. Race & Intelligence Testing
How did Intelligence Testing Reify Longstanding Racial Hierchies?

Soldiers take a psychological test in Camp Lee in Virginia in November 1917, National Archives.

Carl C. Brigham was assistant professor of psychology at Princeton University when he published A Study of American Intelligence (1923).
Upon declaring war, the United States was tasked with the process of building an army and navy suitable for the European conflict. Unlike other imperial nations, the U.S. did not have a tradition of maintaining a large standing army during peacetime. Through the efforts of voluntarism, pro-war propaganda, and even a draft, the military recruited millions of men, aged twenty-one to thirty, for combat.
In order to expedite the assembling, training, equipping and deploying of the armed forces, officials utilized a novel form of testing to assess the mental acuity of the troops. Drawing from the works of Alfred Binet and Theodore Simone in the fields of intelligence testing, the army created a cognitive test to examine recruits. With the goal of using the test results to place soldiers in the best possible positions, the Army tested 1.9 million men with the Alpha (for English speakers) and Beta (for non-English speakers) tests. Robert M. Yerks, president of the American Psychological Association and chairman of the Committee on the Psychological Examination of Recruits, created the exam with the help of others and analyzed the results, concluding that the actual mental age of recruits was only about thirteen years. Among black Americans and immigrants, the numbers were even lower. As a committed eugenicist, Yerks feared that American intelligence was on the decline.
Carl C. Brigham provided further analysis of the exam and published his findings in A Study of American Intelligence (1923). For Brigham, the superiority of “the Nordic race group” was once and for all verified. Further, he confirmed Yerks’s fears that American intelligence was indeed declining and that it would only be be accelerated “as the racial admixture becomes more and more extensive.” The only remedy for this malady, Brigham suggested,” was to stop “promiscuous intermingling” and to take “legal steps” to insure “continuously upward evolution”. For Americans, Brigham’s study only confirmed long standing prejudices and therefore helped to justify discrimination. Brighams’s study came during the decade where the U.S. placed the most restrictive quotas on immigration. [4]
III. World War I & The Rise of Critical Theory
Why did Critical Theory emerge from the Aftermath of World War I?

"A destroyed railyard," France. The National WWI Museum and Memorial

Max Horkheimer, German philosopher, social scientist, and leading member of the Frankfurt School of Social Research.
World War I shattered many long-held beliefs about progress, civilization, and the role of technological advancement in society. The western powers had advanced their respective nations with scientific research and industrialization, which had allowed them to perceive their own cultures as advanced. The perception of having evolved far on the scale of civilization influenced their actions to establish colonies and empire. However, in the aftermath of World War I and the unprecedented scale of destruction as well as the loss of life, many intellectuals increasingly questioned the very foundations of Western civilization and the systems that had led to such catastrophic conflict. The irony of the most advanced nations commissioning their scientific laboratories towards the engineering of weaponry such as the mustard gas and the ability of industrial powerhouses to mass produce such weapons for chemical warfare was not missed. Such questioning laid the groundwork for evaluating the very premises of western civilization.
Max Horkheimer, a German philosopher and social scientist, became one of the first to vocalize the paradox. In his essay, “Traditional and Critical Theory,” Horkheimer argued for two ways of thinking how theories drive society. Where as “traditional theory” aimed to follow logical and rationale steps towards societal progress, Horkheimer insisted that it tended to focus on only particular ends while ignoring broader implications on society. For example, both the Allied and Central powers would have claimed logical and rational justifications for warfare. Despite the cost to life, an uncritical approach to progress became blind to the cost of human lives. [5]
Critical theory, however, sought to expose a naive view of progress by always prioritizing the benefits for society in the long run. For Horkheimer, critical theory is “dominated at every turn by a concern for reasonable conditions of life” aiming to critique and challenge oppressive social structures with the goal of liberation. In the end, Horkheimer and his fellow critical theorists find limitations to logic and facts when considering broader social issues. They seek to argue for a critical way of looking at how society shapes our thinking to challenge unjust structures while offering hope for positive change. [6]
Notes
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Mulligan, William. The Great War for Peace (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014).
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Carl C. Brigham, A Study of American Intelligence (1923), pg. 208-210.
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Horkheimer, Max. “Traditional and Critical Theory,” Critical Theory: Selected Essays. New York: Continuum, 1972.
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Ibid., 199.