Reconstruction

Chapter 6

I. Aftermath of the Civil War

How did Race Relations change after Slavery?

The assassination of President Lincoln: at Ford's Theatre, Washington, D.C., April 14th, 1865, Currier & Ives, 1865.

"Andrew Johnson's Reconstruction and how it works" by Thomas Nast, 1866. Cartoon shows Andrew Johnson as the deceitful Iago who betrayed Othello, portrayed here as an African American Civil War veteran. Includes scenes of slave auction, whites attacking African Americans in Memphis and New Orleans, and "Copperhead" and "C.S.A." snakes wrapped around African American man while Andrew Johnson and others watch. Library of Congress

Black Codes were rooted in the Code Noir, a 1685 decree by France’s King Louis XIV that detailed the “acceptable” conditions for enslavement and freedom. National Museum of African American History & Culture

Lincoln's presidency provided a foreshadow the goals of Reconstruction when he issued the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863. The proclamation freed enslaved workers in the Confederate states but would not have impacted slavery in the border states of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri. After the War, however, Lincoln oversaw the passage of the 13th Amendment, which abolished slavery in the United States. Although he did not serve in Congress and thus did not personally vote on the amendment, he strongly supported its passage and worked tirelessly to secure the necessary votes for its approval.

Lincoln's assassination abruptly ended his plans for reconstructing the United States following the fall of the Confederacy. On April 14, 1865, while attending a play at Ford's Theatre in Washington DC, the 16th President of the United States was assassinated by a gunman named John Wilkes Booth, a resentful ex-Confederate.

Lincoln’s vice President, Andrew Johnson (1808-1875), oversaw the initial stages of readmitting the southern states. Previously, Lincoln had selected Johnson for his pro-Union stance during the Civil War and his Southern origins were expected to help Lincoln's administration garner support from democrats and assist with reconstruction efforts. However, without Lincoln, Johnson was often swayed by his former Confederate brethren.

As a Southern Democrat from Tennessee, Johnson's stance on Reconstruction differed from Lincoln's and aligned more closely with the views of many of his fellow statesmen. For example,

when congressional discussions suggested severe repercussions for Southern states or Radical Republicans aimed to permanently revoke some citizenship privileges, like voting, for ex-Confederates or others advocated for military occupation of the South until readmission, Johnson favored very little federal intervention in the readmission of Southern states.

Instead, Johnson issued amnesty proclamations and presidential pardons for most former Confederate states, with only a few exceptions. The President's policies also favored white southern interests (over those of newly freed African Americans), especially over the issue of voting rights. In Johnson’s view, “..there is no such thing as reconstruction. These States have not gone out of the Union, therefore reconstruction is unnecessary. I do not mean to treat them as inchoate States, but merely as existing under a temporary suspension of their government, provided always they elect loyal men. The doctrine of coercion to preserve a State in the Union has been vindicated by the people. It is the province of the Executive to see that the will of the people is carried out in the rehabilitation of the rebellious States, once more under the authority as well as the protection of the Union." As a result, the earliest stages of Reconstruction placed very little power in the hands of Radical Republicans in Congress and revealed very few changes in the southern status quo. [1]

Rise of Black Codes

Johnson’s democratic base made much headway while the president was in control of Reconstruction. During this time, many southern states passed Black Codes, a set of laws designed to restrict the freedoms and rights of African Americans while maintaining white supremacy. The origins of Black Codes can be traced back to the colonial era. The codes were unnecessary alongside the institution of slavery. After the abolition of slavery however, southerners sought ways to limit the economic, social, and political opportunities available to African Americans resurrecting such codes that imposed restrictions on everything from black labor contracts to property ownership, marriage, education, and the right to bear arms.

For example, Black Codes (or Code Noir) from St. Landry Parish in Louisiana rooted their regulations as “necessary for public order, as well as for the comfort and correct deportment of said freedmen [former slaves]…” For this reason, black Americans were not allowed to pass the limits of their district “without special permit in writing from his employer.” Further, black Americans “found absent from the residence of his employer after 10 o’clock at night, without a written permit from his employer, shall pay a fine…” [2]

Despite their new freedom, black Americans were required to be “in the regular service of some white person, or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said negro.” Additionally, formerly enslaved workers could not “preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people, without a special permission in writing from the president of the police jury.” Lastly, if black Americans were in violation, the codes charged every citizen to “act as a police officer for the detection of offenses and the apprehension of offenders.” In the end, many black Americans found themselves dependent on white citizens despite their emancipation from slavery. [3]

Rise of Sharecropping

The economic prospects for freedmen did not look any better. When Gen. Roger Sherman issued Special Field Order #15, which granted 40 acres and a mule to black families, he underscored the basic necessities that would assist in economically uplifting black Southerners. Plantation owners in South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida had abandoned their lands after the collapse of slavery. Sherman's order, issued on January 16, 1865, promised land redistribution to freed black Americans. However, President Johnson’s policies effectively nullified the order granting the lands back to their initial owners, which in turn forced black Americans to turn to their former masters for assistance.

Sharecropping emerged in the Southern United States after the collapse of slavery along with the plantation system. Landowners divided their land and resources with laborers, typically freed African Americans and poor whites in exchange for the use of land, equipment, seeds, and other essentials for land cultivation. Sharecroppers would give a portion of their crop to the landowner and retain the rest for themselves. However, through land control, high rental frees, and slim profit margins, sharecroppers were typically trapped in cycles of debt. In many ways, sharecropping, for many Black Americans, appeared to replace slavery in name only. African Americans found themselves working the same land, with the same tools, for the same owner, with very little for themselves.

II. Reactions

How did Radical Republicans and White Southerners React?

A.R. Waud captures the role of the Freedman's Bureau during Southern Reconstruction as an agent stands between the agression between white southerners and freedmen. "The Freedmen's Bureau," 1868. Library of Congress

Senator Hiram R. Revels and Representatives Benjamin S. Turner, Josiah T. Walls, Joseph H. Rainey, Robert Brown Elliot, Robert D. De Large, and Jefferson H. Long. Source: Library of Congress.

Here a man "White League" shakes hands with a Ku Klux Klan member over a shield illustrating an African American family, with a man hanging from a tree in the background. "The Union as it was The Lost Cause, Worse Than Slavery" by Thomas Nast, 1874. Library of Congress.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton. N.d. Photograph. Library of Congress

Radical Republicans in Congress clashed with President Johnson's approach to Reconstruction, particularly after recognizing that the condition of Southern Black Americans had changed very little following the abolition of slavery. In 1866, Johnson vetoed a bill over the Freemen’s Bureau, an arm of the federal government tasked with assisting newly freed Black Americans in the transition from slavery to freedom. For Johnson, the Bureau was an unconstitutional expansion of federal power and interfered with states’ rights to manage their own affairs.

Johnson's opponents felt differently. For Radical Republicans, the federal government held a responsibility to protect the rights of freedmen and ensure their integration into Southern society. In the ensuing years, Congress sought to counter Johnson's leniency toward the South and his indifference to the plight of Black Americans.

Congressional Reconstruction

By 1867, congress increasingly took control of the Reconstruction with the intent to undo the leniency of President Johnson. Congress began a series of Reconstruction Acts to spur racial progress in the South. They did this by first dividing the South into military districts. While the actions disenfranchised numerous former Confederate leaders, the intent was to facilitate Black Americans' ability to engage in public life without fear or intimidation.

Radical Republicans such as Thaddeus Stevens (1792-1868) and Charles Sumner (1811-1874) took control of Congress and restricted southern delegates from participating in Congress until their respective states passed a series of legislations and were readmitted into the Union. The 13th Amendment, which abolished slavery, 14th Amendment, which guaranteed citizenship and equal protection under the law, and the 15th Amendment, which granted black Americans the right to vote, were all required to be ratified into state constitutions before a given state was readmitted into the union. Responding to critics who described his push in Congress as radical, Stephens responded, “I am for negro suffrage in every rebel State. If it be just, it should not be denied; if it be necessary, it should be adopted; if it be a punishment to traitors, they deserve it.” [4]

Radical Republicans were influencing the implementation of additional measures. They supported governments in the Southern states that were favorable to African American interests. They advocated for policies such as land redistribution and education as well as economic opportunities for black Americans. In the end, southern black Americans found themselves increasingly depending on federal legislation to secure their civil liberties than local governments.

One of the biggest impacts of Radical Republicans during this period was to support black politicians. Having secured the right to vote with the passage of the 15th Amendment, black Americans had the freedom to vote for candidates of their choice. The southern military districts mandated the registration of eligible voters, including black Americans. This allowed Radical Republicans to support black candidates running for office. As a result, many black politicians secured some of the highest official positions in the land. For example, Hiram Rhodes Revels served as the senator for Mississippi from 1870 - 1871. Blanch K. Bruce served in the same role from 1875-1881. Robert Smalls represented South Carolina in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1875-1887. P.B.S. Pinchback served as Louisiana governor from 1872-1873. These black Republicans, among others, played vital roles in advancing the cause of civil rights and equality during Reconstruction and post-Civil War South. [5]

Southern Reaction

Resistance, defiance, and resentment met the progress initiated by Reconstruction policies. Most white Southerners vehemently opposed the policies and initiatives imposed by Radical Republicans as these widened civil rights for freedom and racial equality. Many resorted to mob violence and intimidation tactics to push back against Reconstruction efforts. Groups like the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and other white supremacist organizations targeted black Americans, Republican politicians, and white sympathizers through acts of terrorism which included lynching, arson, and physical violence.

Another means to push back against progressive policies was to utilize legal and political tactics to undermine the effects of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments. As mentioned above, Black Codes restricted the rights of freedmen, passed laws disenfranchising African Americans and raised obstacles to voting such as literacy tests and poll taxes to suppress black votes.

Some of the most vocal opponents for black votes came from white women. Feminism surged alongside the abolitionist movement as women, emboldened by their experiences in abolitionist activism, became increasingly involved in public life. In many ways, both feminism and abolition shared common grounds. However, when black men obtained the right to vote before women, many white women retorted to white supremacist arguments to express their dissent. For example, Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815-1902) argued that white women were more worthy of the vote when compared to black men. Elsewhere Stanton said of black men, “degraded, oppressed himself, he would be more despotic with the governing power than even our Saxon rulers are”[6]. While black communities and women found solidarity in their shared experiences of discrimination, progress for one group often led to animosity between the two.

III. End of Reconstruction

What brought Reconstruction to an End?

Cartoonist Thomas Nast depicted the Compromise of 1877 as a “truce, not a compromise,” 1877. Library of Congress.

Illustrations such as these warned that compromises with the South rendered a betrayal to the Union. Thomas Nast, "Compromise with the South," 1864.

Reconstruction came to an end through a combination of factors. In addition to Southern resistance, political compromises, and waning Northern interests were key factors that contributed to the end of the era.

The Panic of 1873 set off an economic depression that took hold of the nation. The closing of several influential banks, including Jay Cooke & Company, set off a pattern of bank closures that brought about the worst depression to date. As a result, northerners increasingly became preoccupied with the economic downturn having fewer resources to devote to Reconstruction.

The contested results of the presidential election of 1876 made matters worse. The disputed outcome between Republican Rutherford B. Hayes and Democrat Samuel Tilden came to a deadlock. The settlement reached was known as the Compromise of 1877. As part of the agreement, Hayes was declared the winner. In exchange, the South regained control of their region. Over the following years, federal troops withdrew from the South and white southern democrats successively replaced black Republican politicians over the following election cycles with with the aid of the KKK.

Reconstruction began with many of the decades-long hopes for racial equality manifesting into reality. Slavery had been abolished, anyone born in the U.S. or naturalized obtained citizenship, and voting rights had been extended to people of color. Further, the inclusion of black politicians in some of the nation’s highest offices indicated a government of the people. However, this reality was a few steps ahead of Southern sentiments; the cultural convictions of many had not changed.

Several additional factors can explain the failure of the era. While advancing rights legislatively, the Radical Republicans in Congress did not sustain the federal commitment to enforcing these advances. Economic hardship disadvantaged the independence of the South as recovery from the devastation of the Civil War and the collapse of the plantation system led to dislocation. Lastly, the economic priorities of the government led a nationwide economic panic to eclipse the priorities in the South. In the coming years, as southern leaders took to great lengths to return the region to its white supremacist roots, darkness overshadowed civil rights progress well into the twentieth century.

Notes

Andrew Johnson, from an interview with General John A. Logan on May 31, 1865.
The Black Code of St. Landry Parish” LA, 1865
Ibid.
Thaddeus Stevens, Speech in favor of black suffrage, House of Representatives, January 3, 1867. Congressional Globe, 39th Cong., 2nd sess., Jan. 3, 1867, pp. 251-252.
W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America toward a History of the Part of Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2012.
Lori D. Ginzberg. Elizabeth Cady Stanton : An American Life. 1st ed. New York: Hill and Wang, 2009.